We have all been conditioned to believe that WWII ended with the defeat of Germany and surrender on May 7th/8th of 1945, and that Germany as “liberated”. But is that really the case? NO. The victors (the ALL LIES) and the colonial government of the occupiers merely pretend that this is the case and have promoted and sold it as such. In the absence of formal recognition for the German Reich and any peace treaties, some 50+ countries which declared war against the German Reich are officially STILL at war with Germany today. They could simply resume hostilities against Germany at any moment, without any new declaration, or permission from the UN Security Council.
The official story states that, in 1945, on…
May 7th: Germany surrendered unconditionally to the Allies at the Western Allied Headquarters in Rheims, France at 2:41 a.m. In accordance with orders from Reich President Karl Dönitz, General Alfred Jodl signed for Germany.
May 8th: A ceasefire took effect at one minute past midnight; V-E Day in Britain, and…
May 8th: Germany surrendered again unconditionally to the Soviet Union army (at their insistence, in a separate ceremony hosted by the Soviets. This was also in accordance with orders from Reich President Karl Dönitz, General Wilhelm Keitel signed for Germany. Also….
May 8th: In accordance with orders from Reich President Karl Dönitz, Colonel-General Carl Hilpert unconditionally surrenders his troops in the Courland Pocket.
“The surrender documents included the phrase, “All forces under German control to cease active operations at 23:01 hours Central European Time on 8 May 1945.” At Stalin’s insistence, on 8 May, shortly before midnight, Field Marshal General (Generalfeldmarschall) Wilhelm Keitel repeated the signing in Berlin at Marshal Georgiy Zhukov’s headquarters, with General Carl Spaatz of the USAAF present as Eisenhower’s representative. At the time specified, World War II in Europe ended.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flensburg_Government
There was, however, NEVER any comprehensive “peace treaty” between the government of German Reich and the Allies as a whole, nor with any of the individual nations which had declared war on Germany. The only country (of the Allied nations) not still at war with Germany is the Soviet Union, as it no longer exists, but which did sign off on it’s jurisdiction / subjugation of the GDR/DDR in 1990, allowing for the merger with the FRG/BRD. More on this later.
But “the Reich is gone!” you say? “It was destroyed!” No, Germany’s military was defeated and they surrendered. The physical terrain of Germany was destroyed, conquered and occupied, and the population subjugated, because the allies would accept nothing less than unconditional surrender ie. no negotiated peace settlement. From a German perspective and any honest historical view, it was an armistice, in anticipation of a honourable peace treaty between the warring parties.
“An armistice is a situation in a war where the warring parties agree to stop fighting. It is not necessarily the end of a war, since it might be just a cessation of hostilities while an attempt is made to negotiate a lasting peace. It is derived from the Latin arma, meaning weapons and statium, meaning a stopping.
A truce or ceasefire usually refers to a temporary cessation of hostilities for an agreed limited time or within a limited area. A truce may be needed in order to negotiate an armistice. An armistice is a modus vivendi and is not the same as a peace treaty, which may take months or even years to agree on. The 1953 Korean War Armistice Agreement is a major example of an armistice which has not been followed by a peace treaty.
The United Nations Security Council often imposes or tries to impose cease-fire resolutions on parties in modern conflicts. Armistices are always negotiated between the parties themselves and are thus generally seen as more binding than non-mandatory UN cease-fire resolutions in modern international law.
The key aspect in an armistice is the fact that fighting ends with no one surrendering.
The German Reich itself did not surrender, did not liquidate itself, and never ceased to exist as a legitimate legal entity, nor was it offered a peace treaty, and none was signed.
The 3 branches of the German military forces capitulated in 1945, but the government itself did not surrender it’s authority to govern, to act, and to negotiate on behalf of the German people. The Reich did not abolish itself!
The last ‘official’ Head of State was the President, Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz. The military documents of surrenders (mentioned above) were signed on the order of President Dönitz who was appointed to that position by Adolf Hitler (who was the Commander in Chief) in his last will and political testament, and gave him the power. At no time prior to the war was Hitler not seen as the legitimate head of state in Germany. Hitler had not abolished the Weimar constitution either, which provided for the positions of both Chancellor and President.
Dönitz’s authority was obviously accepted by the Allies as legitimate regarding the signing of surrender agreements, but on May 23rd, rather than negotiate a peace settlement, and without warning, they simply arrested Dönitz and threw him in jail, along with all other surviving members of the German Reich government and all high-ranking members of the NSDAP, and the various military branches.
The Allies suddenly no longer recognized Dönitz’s authority and that of what became known as the”Flensburg Government“. They simply declared the NSDAP Government of the Reich a “criminal organization” in spite of the fact that the NSDAP was elected and that their popularity only grew, and remained constant, even through the war years. That left a complete vacuum of legitimate leadership and representation on behalf of the German people, the vast majority of which were loyal to Hitler to the end. That left Germans defenseless.
Radio Interview: Rodney Martin – The Illegal liquidation of the NSDAP Government and Germanocide (covering some of the same material posted below and more)
The following is a very detailed article followed by my closing comments:
Grand Admiral Karl Donitz: Last President of a United Germany
HIS SUCCESSION, HIS GOVERNMENT, THE NUREMBERG PROCEEDINGS, THE AFTERMATH — SOME PERSONAL OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIENCES
H. Keith Thompson (excerpted from an article posted at IHR.org)
At Ploen on the evening of 30 April 1945, Dönitz received only the following message: “The Führerhas appointed you, Herr Admiral, as his successor in place of Reichsmarschall Göring. Confirmation in writing follows. You are hereby authorized to take any measures which the situation demands. — Bormann. “
In his Memoirs, Dönitz describes his reactions:
… This took me completely by surprise. Since July 20, 1944, I had not spoken to Hitler at all except at some large gathering. … I had never received any hint on the subject from anyone else…. I assumed that Hitler had nominated me because he wished to clear the way to enable an officer of the Armed Forces to put an end to the war. That this assumption was incorrect I did not find out until the winter of 1945-46 in Nuremberg, when for the first time I heard the provisions of Hitler’s will…. When I read the signal I did not for a moment doubt that it was my duty to accept the task … it had been my constant fear that the absence of any central authority would lead to chaos and the senseless and purposeless sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of lives … I realized … that the darkest moment in any fighting man’s life, the moment when he must surrender unconditionally, was at hand. I realized, too, that my name would remain forever associated with the act and that hatred and distortion of facts would continue to try and besmirch my honor. But duty demanded that I pay no attention to any such considerations. My policy was simple — to try and save as many lives as I could … 
Dönitz moved forcefully. He met with Heinrich Himmler at Ploen and politely declined Himmler’s offer to become the “second man” in the Dönitz government. Dönitz ordered Field Marshal Keitel and General Jodl to come to Ploen so that the military situation could be assessed.
On the morning of 1 May, Dönitz received the following radio message, classified “Secret and Personal,” from Bormann at the chancellery: “Will now in force. Coming to you as quickly as possible. Pending my arrival you should in my opinion refrain from public statement.” Dönitz was left to presume from the text that Hitler was dead but he knew none of the circumstances. Some public position had to be taken and immediately. He relates in his Memoirs that he felt that the announcement of Hitler’s death should be couched in respectful terms: “… To denigrate him … as, I felt, many around me would have liked me to do, would, in my opinion, have been a mean and cheap thing to do … I believed that decency demanded that I should word my announcement in the manner in which it was, in fact, worded. Nor, I think, would I do otherwise today… “ Consequently, on 1 May 1945 Dönitz made the following announcement on North German radio:
The Führer has nominated me as his successor. In full consciousness of my responsibilities I therefore assume the leadership of the German people at this fateful hour. My first task is to save German men and women from destruction by the advancing Bolshevist enemy. It is to serve this purpose alone that the military struggle continues. For as long as the British and the Americans continue to impede the accomplishments of this task, we must also continue to fight and defend ourselves against them. The British and the Americans in that case will not be flighting in the interests of their own peoples, but solely for the expansion of Bolshevism in Europe.
Dönitz also issued his Order of the Day to the Armed Forces on 1 May, covering the same points in slightly different language. And, to counter a growing lack of discipline in the armed forces, he issued the following declaration to the military services: “I expect discipline and obedience. Chaos and ruin can be prevented only by the swift and unreserved execution of my orders. Anyone who at this juncture fails in his duty and condemns German women and children to slavery and death is a traitor and a coward. The oath of allegiance which you took to the Führer now binds each and every one of you to me, whom he himself appointed as his successor.” It worked. As Dönitz relates: “The next few days showed that the German Armed Forces had accepted my authority; and that was all that mattered.”
On 1 May 1945, Dönitz received a third and final radio message from the Berlin chancellery, with the same “Personal and Secret” classification but signed this time by Goebbels and Bormann:
Führer died yesterday, 1530 hours. In his will dated April 29 he appoints you as President of the Reich, Goebbels as Reich Chanceror, Bormann as Party Minister, Seyss-Inquart as Foreign Minister. The will, by order of the Führer, is being sent to you and to Field Marshal Schoerner and out of Berlin for safe custody. Bormann will try to reach you today to explain the situation. Form and timing of announcement to the Armed Forces and the public is left to your discretion. Acknowledge.
In a melodramatic series of events, Martin Bormann was killed in Berlin en route to Admiral Dönitz, other ranking officials failed to arrive, and no copies of the pertinent documents ever reached Dönitz. Apparently it never occurred to the officials in the beleaguered chancellery that the entire texts of the pertinent documents could have been radioed to Dönitz. At this point, he did not even know of the subsequent suicide of Goebbels on 1 May. Dönitz correctly felt that he must make his own governmental appointments in order to function at all. He could not logically appoint officials whose whereabouts he did not know (he did not in fact know whether they were alive or dead), or whose prominence in the Hitler government might prejudice negotiations with the Allies. Of this fateful date, 1 May 1945, Dönitz summarized the situation in his Memoirs: “… while out at sea transports filled with wounded, with refugees and with troops hurried westward, the columns of refugees fleeing overland pressed on towards their salvation and the armies in Pomerania, in Brandenburg and in Silesia continued to retire in the direction of the Anglo-American demarcation line.”
It was the plan of Admiral Dönitz to accomplish a partial surrender in the west. For this purpose, the officer commanding at Hamburg was ordered to dispatch an officer with flag of truce to the British on 3 May, to offer the surrender of Hamburg and to inform them that a general delegation under Admiral von Friedeburg was en route to confer with them. Meanwhile, because of British advances, Dönitz moved his headquarters and seat of government to Muerwik near Flensburg. There he conferred with representatives of the German forces still in being and advised them to take such action as would enable them to surrender to American rather than Russian forces. He had developed a healthy respect for the American Navy, and it for him. But the American ground forces were something else again, their officer corps consisting in large part of Jews, white trash, and blacks. Dönitz had not yet met political generals of the Eisenhower stamp.
There were many acts of heroism at this difficult time. I cite but one here. As Dönitz relates in his Memoirs, Dr. Karl Hermann Frank, Protector of Bohemia-Moravia, concerned with Czech worries over the political fate of their nation should it fall into Russian hands, sought the agreement of Dönitz to make an offer to surrender to the Americans. Dönitz thought it unlikely to succeed but worth trying, and he comments: “… That Frank, regardless of his own personal safety and with but the slenderest chance of success, should have been willing to return to a country which he knew to be on the brink of revolt in order to secure for it a more humane solution of its problems should be noted to his credit.”
On 4 May, Dönitz gave to Admiral von Friedeburg the full authorization to accept various terms of surrender offered by Field Marshal Bernard L. Montgomery, and von Friedeburg was flown to British headquarters with the further instructions to then proceed to General Eisenhower at Rheims to offer a German surrender in the American sector. As Dönitz put it, “The first step towards a separate surrender to the West had been accomplished without our having been forced to abandon German soldiers and civilians to the mercy of the Russians.”
Eisenhower proved to be contentious and difficult.
On 6 May, Dönitz sent Col. Gen. Alfred Jodl to negotiate with the American martinet, who rejected any separate surrender and informed Jodl that the Americans would be ordered to fire upon any German troops approaching American lines with the intention of surrender, even if unarmed. This, of course, was a direct breach of the Geneva Convention but that did not concern Eisenhower, who took his political orders from the Washington regime. Eisenhower demanded unconditional surrender on 7 May, but Jodl was able to win the concession of 9 May as the date for the termination of hostilities, thus enabling Dönitz to continue moving troops and refugees out of the eastern areas.
The history of the formal signing of the instrument of surrender at Rheims on 7 May 1945 is well known. Jodl and von Friedeburg signed for Germany on the first capitulation document. Dönitz authorized the German delegates — Field Marshal Keitel, Admiral von Friedeburg, and General Stumpff — to sign for the German Armed Forces. The ceremonies were repeated in Berlin-Karlhorst on 8 May at the demand of the Russians. As it turned out, in the course of the surrender negotiations the German representatives were treated courteously by the British and the Russians, but with hostility and child-like contempt by the Americans. This conduct was exemplified by Eisenhower himself, who later censured and otherwise hounded an American brigadier general, Robert J. Stack, for having treated Göring with courtesy on his arrest, and who rebuked General Patch, commander of the U.S. 7th Army, for treating German prisoners of war decently. See Leonard Mosley’s book, The Reich Marshal, pp320-322.
The final order of the German Armed Forces, issued on 9 May 1945, stated in part:
… By command of Admiral Dönitz the Armed Forces have given up the hopeless struggle. A heroic fight that has lasted for nearly six years thus comes to an end … the German Armed Forces have succumbed to overwhelming superior strength … Every German soldier, sailor and airman can therefore lay aside his arms with justifiable pride and turn to the task of ensuring the everlasting life of our nation … To show obedience, discipline and absolute loyalty to our Fatherland, bleeding from innumerable wounds, is the sacred duty our dead impose upon us all.
As noted by Dönitz in his Memoirs: “I thought then, and I still think, that those words are both appropriate and just.”
The surrender accomplished, and the cessation of hostilities being secured at even the most distant outposts, Dönitz turned his efforts to the processes of the government which he headed, a regime which had obtained de facto status from the Allies by their dealings with it. The legal complexities of the succession are dealt with in Regierung Dönitz, by W. Luedde-Neurath, a work published in 1950, but even that work must be read in the light of the repressive political conditions in the western zone of Ger many in 1950. The author held that Hitler’s nomination of Dönitz as Head of State was unquestionably legal, and that its legality was in no way affected by the loss of German sovereignty occasioned by Allied occupation. Under German law, the resignation of a head of state is possible only when a successor is named at the same time. This would, of course, apply to a self-termination by a head of state (i.e., suicide). When this measure is not taken, the office devolves upon the president of the Reich Supreme Court (Article 51 of the Weimar Constitution). An extinction of the function of head of state is therefore legally excluded.”
The Act (law) of 1 August 1934 combined the offices of president and chancellor in the person of Adolf Hitler, and the German people gave its electoral approval to this in the plebiscite of 18 August 1934. Subsequently, Hitler found general recognition as head of state both in his domestic and international dealings. Furthermore, the same law expressly gave to Hitler the right to name his successor. This he did — without any opposition – in his Reichstag declaration of 1 September 1939, naming Göring and Hess in that order. Subsequent events and instruments eliminated Hess (following his flight to England) and Göring (by Hitler’s interpretation of Göring’s attempt to take over Hitler’s leadership in late April of 1945). Therefore, Hitler’s political testament of 29 April 1945 (naming Dönitz as president and Goebbels as chancellor) took precedence and was the governing authority for the Dönitz government. (See special note )
To his everlasting credit, Eamon De Valera, Prime Minister (later President) of Eire (Ireland), called personally on the German ambassador to Ireland to offer his condolences on the death of Hitler and his recognition of the new government headed by Dönitz.
There is no doubt that, had time permitted, the exchange of diplomatic representatives with neutral nations could have been achieved. Dönitz headed what he felt was, and should be, a new German government in every sense of the term. He wrote: “… it was essential that we should create the requisite state departments within the framework of a central government. It was, however, also essential that we should gather together all our best experts in these various spheres, in order to be able to offer their cooperation to the occupying powers. Our primary task was to ensure for the German people the essentials for bare survival…”
The Dönitz government took form, then, to prevent famine; to restore communications, business and industry; to rebuild housing and obtain temporary quarters for the homeless; to try to hold the value of the currency and re-establish banking systems, and to aid the refugees and absorb the additional millions of Germans and non-Germans fleeing the Russian-occupied areas. The Dönitz Cabinet took office: Graf Lutz von Schwerin-Krosigk (Foreign Minister, Minister of Finance, and presiding officer of the Cabinet), Dr. Wilhelm Stuckart (Minister of the Interior and Minister of Culture), Albert Speer (Minister of Industry and Production), Dr. Herbert Backe (Minister of Food, Agriculture and Forests), Dr. Franz Seldte (Minister of Labor and Social Affairs), and Dr. Dorpmueller (Minister of Posts and Communications). All had held secondary posts in the Hitler government but all were essentially non-political men with bureaucratic experience and technical knowledge in their fields. The choice of Speer was an unfortunate one as the man was a self-seeking chameleon and opportunist, although able in his technical fields. Speer at once initiated an internal campaign to convince the Dönitz government to resign. As Dönitz put it: “Speer was emphatic in his opinion that we [the government] should resign. But he thought that, as far as he himself was concerned, the Americans would continue to cooperate with him.” Schwerin-Krosigk took a sounder view-that only the Armed Forces had surrendered, the German state continuing to exist with Dönitz as its legal head.
As Dönitz remarks:
“… The enemy themselves had recognized the fact when they insisted on my conferring plenipotentiary powers on the Chiefs of the three services, who were to sign the instrument of surrender … I and my provisional government could not voluntarily resign. If we did, the victors could say with justification: since the properly constituted Government … had run away, we have no option but to set up independent German governments in the individual zones and to allow our military government to exercise authority over all. of them … I should stay until I was removed by force. Had I not done so, then … I should have supplied the political pretext for the division of Germany that exists today … “
An Allied Control Commission under the American Major General Lowell W. Rooks and British Brigadier R.L.S. Foord arrived on the scene shortly after the capitulation, and they were later joined by Soviet Major General Nikolai Trusov. This commission conferred with the Dönitz government but gave little response to its proposals and less cooperation. Dönitz observed:
“The attitude of the Allied representatives at these meetings was reserved, but correct. The courtesies of normal international usage were observed, but that I and the members of my government should have shown a like reserve and reticence was only natural.” Meanwhile, some progress was made regardless of the non-cooperation of the Allied representatives, particularly in the areas of food procurement and communications. The Cabinet met regularly and worked hard. Interestingly, bureaucracy often lives- a life of its own, and some of the administrative offices of the Hitler government moved to the area and continued their work. An SS “think tank,” engaged in producing reports on world political affairs, was still. in business as of August 1945, and some NS intelligence operations were taken over intact by intelligence services of the Allies, notably that of General Reinhardt Gehlen, who had specialized in gathering intelligence concerning the Russians.
Next, a campaign against the Dönitz government was orchestrated in the Allied nations, an ominous sign. As Dönitz observed:
The enemy press and particularly the Russian radio began to get busy about “the Dönitz Government” … The cooperation between the provisional government and the British and American representatives in Muerwik had aroused their envy … Churchill at first opposed my removal. He wanted to use me as a “useful tool” … if I proved to be useful, that would have to be reckoned against my “war atrocities in command of submarines” [Churchill, Vol. V1, p646]. This was exactly the coldly calculating attitude that I expected of British policy … Then … on May 15 Eisenhower demanded my removal in the interests of friendship with Russia …
The arrest of the Dönitz government is described in a cynical article by one Corporal Howard Katzander, staff correspondent, in Yank, “The Army Weekly,” terming the Dönitz government “a grandiose bluff to persuade the Allied command to permit him [Dönitz] to attend to the interior reorganization of the nation’s economy,” coupled with the disarming of German forces under the very direction of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW), to “keep intact the nucleus of a new Wehrmacht and a new war-minded government.” On 23 May 1945, Dönitz, Jodl, von Friedeburg and others were summoned aboard the steamship Patria, whereupon General Rooks, wasting no time on protocol or courtesy, communicated Eisenhower’s decision that, “… in concert with the Soviet High Command … today the acting German government and the German high command, with the several of its members, shall be taken into custody as prisoners of war. Thereby, the acting German government is dissolved … Troops of the 21st Army Group are taking the several members, civilian and military, and certain records, into custody…”
Asked by Rooks for any comment, Dönitz replied, “Any words would be superfluous.” The members of the Dönitz government and the high command were gathered and marched off, hands behind their heads and at machine-gun point, to a prisoner of war cage. Admiral von Friedeburg chose suicide over Allied detention. (article continues) http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v04/v04p305_Thompson.html
The Allies, thus, simply took over. Germany was carved up into occupation zones and plundered. The West became the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG / BRD). The East was given to Poland, which itself remained occupied by the Soviet Union (who was never held to account for it’s aggression against Poland), while Central Germany (NOT East) became the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR/ DDR). 15 Million ethnic Germans were expelled from territory they had legally lived on for centuries and everything they owned stolen.
The victors stole Germany’s remaining assets, including human assets such as scientists, and looted all patents. They stole our pride, honour, dignity, and culture, and they imposed their own. They stole a third of our territory. They put our soldiers in open field enclosures without shelter and practically no food, many more given into slavery in foreign countries. They raped our women and girls, regardless of age, and commenced to starve the surviving civilian population. They erected a fake state (a legal fiction), and imposed the “Basic Law” (not a constitution), and which remains in effect today, as an entirely foreign and artificial construct of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) They stole our right to self-determination. ALL BASED UPON A PACK OF LIES while completely ignoring the crimes of the Allies.
In spite of the amalgamation of the FRG and GDR in 1990, there is still NO peace treaty! If there had been a true “re-unification” of Germany (as advertised), we should have seen a re-emergence of the German Reich, and NOT merely the absorption of one occupied territory into the other, under a common name, with the same foreign imposed Basic Law.
I repeat: We Germans today still have NO constitution of our own, written and ratified only by the German people, through a “Made in Germany” process, and free of all international interference. Real “re-unification” would, by necessity, mean official recognition the Reich, which is what in fact SHOULD have happened, and would have happened, IF Germany had sovereignty AND truly representative leaders. In that case, the ALL LIES would ALSO have had to recognize the previous German borders, and former colonies. But then they would also have to face up to their own LIES and CRIMES!
Thus, Germany is a colony or a “vassal state” and today’s German political “leaders” are elected within a framework of bogus law which created by the foreign occupiers. Hence, they do NOT serve the German people. They serve the interests and agenda of the international interests. Nor are the Germans ever afforded a direct vote on any substantial domestic or foreign matters. Given a choice, I believe that most Germans would likely not have consented to joining the EU nor given up their currency the Deutsch Mark, and likely, would not be part of NATO and taking part in foreign military operations, or giving away nuclear submarines to Israel. And if they were allowed to know the truth, nor would they permit themselves to be perpetually extorted, politically nor financially.
Finally, I repeat: without a peace treaty, THE WAR HAS NOT ENDED! Not only in theoretical legal terms, and not only in terms of occupation, but also through ongoing psychological warfare and Anti-Germanism, based upon lies, resulting in self-hate and self-destructive policies, aka Germanocide.
There is much more to come on these topics over the next week!